History of Movie Theaters in Louisiana and the Surrounding Area Essay

When we think of the account of the traditional, Ameri brook photographic film going, a number of images come to mind the mighty organ accompanying a photographic film palaces silent-era feature, the Iconic searchlights proclaiming a Golden get on with Hollywood premiere, teenagers cruising at the local drive in, an audience of separatewise sensibly attired adults wearing cardboard, and young adults carrying five dollar bills to the Cineplex at the closing curtain of the m wholly in order to see the latest sequel. only when age these iconic, pull down stereotypical, images suggest roughlything of the truth behind the the Statesn video menages history, they as well omit much of the social reality that has co-existed along with these instances of the mainstream demandgoing experience. While Hollywood features and first-run urban line of businesss may encounter greater champion greatness than any other mode of exhibition, a number of other important alternatives have f leshed aside audiences encounters with film.One such alternative, with a captivating yet understudied history all its own, was the bleak movie ho practice dress circle that existed in the United States from (at least) 1907 until the 1970s (Crafton 412). With the project in mind of examining the cultural, social, and stinting history of dingy film arenas. I will discuss in this essay the development of inglorious film theaters in capital of Texas, Texas, focusing circumscribedly on that urban centers longest standing and well-nigh vainglorious show, the Harlem field.Although movies came to the Texas capital to begin with the turn of the century and all-movie theaters began to proliferate on that sharpen during Americas post-1905 nickelodeon boom, the first recorded sorry film theater the Dixie-Dale exposed in capital of Texas in 1920 under the focussing of Joseph Trammell. I found no other details round Trammell or the Dixie-Dale, but it is recorded that after t wo years the theater was renamed the capital of Nebraska and managed by A. C. Lawson until it closed in 1928 or 1929.capital of Texas also masking up a second bleak movie house in the 1920s. The quarrel, which subject in 1922, just one pin east of the downtown Lincoln, was own and operated by Dr. Everett H. Givens, a practicing dentist (with an office next door) who would become capital of Texass most prominent mordant civic leader from the mid-thirties until his death in 1962. For reasons unclear at this point, Dr. Givens Lyric, which changed its name to the Dunbar when A. C. Lawson took over its counseling in 1929, survived the Lincoln by a few years, closing in 1931.Whether the fist Black film theaters in capital of Texas closed delinquent to the opinion, the cost of converting to sound, or some other reason, is impossible to judge attached the paucity of data avail subject about these enterprises. However, placing the existence of the Lincoln and the Lyric in the co ntexts of twain African American life in capital of Texas and the concurrent national Black film theater scene enhances a historical understanding of these two houses both as business and as sport venues. From a national perspective, we know that the trend picture theater, with its grow in the Jim Crow era, had always been subject to racial segregation.Some dates Black patrons were restricted to balconies or other special sections of the theater, but Black-only theaters were common in the United States from at least 1910, a year when a Black newspaper in Washington wrote matter-of-factly that thither are separate motion picture theaters among the whites and blacks in this country(Washington Bee 4). Although at the turn of the century there was hardly a theater for colored people in the immaculate United States (Negro Yearbook, 24), by 1925, there were at least 425 Black theaters (of all types), virtually all of which offered films in whole or part.Of these, nearly fractional w ere, like the Lyric and possibly the Lincoln, Black-owned (Negro Yearbook, 379). But ownership of Black movie houses, in contrast to the first-run, gabardine theaters of the day, was non done by regional or national chains, nor by affiliated circuits because houses operated independently, the dynamics of local conditions of moved(p) theaters like the Lincoln as much as national expression did. Historically, social and frugal conditions changed greatly for Austins Black movie houses appeared.During and after Reconstruction, Black vicinitys had existed in several(prenominal) locations nearly Austin Clarksville in west Austin, Kincheonville to the south, Gregoryville in easternmost Austin, Masontown in the southeast. Horses stray and Wheatville to the north, and so on (Austin American-Statesman, D41). Compared to other towns of the time, particularly in the South, race traffic were fairly calm, albeit within the practice of institutionalized racism.The town boasted three coll eges and institutions for colored people, obligeed some neighborhoods (such as Masontown) that were racially integrated among Blacks, vacuouss, Hispanics, and Asians, and in cosmopolitan obtained a reputation as a town without the major problems of racial violence that plagued most American communities. But during the teens segregation patterns began to develop (Freeman).In 1919 a duster representative of the young NAACp was beaten by a White mob in the middle of downtown, and in the 1920s the city of Austin created a Negro district in eastward Austin inducing blacks to move there by implementing though zoning laws elsewhere (Austin American-Statesman, D41). So it was that the majority of Austins African American commonwealth (which has consistently remained at just below 20 percent of Austins total) became concentrated in an area east of downtown and amongst 12th channel to the north and 7th Street to the south.Not surprisingly, then, both of Austins silent-era Black theate rs were built on East sixth Street, near the racial dividing line of East roadway, within the only downtown shopping and dining district that advertd Black patrons, yet away from the White theater district on the citys main passage of Congress Avenue. I could uncover little information, however, that would indicate the nature or reception of these early movie houses. Longtime Austin resident I. C. Jones recallight-emitting diode visit the Lincoln as a child, where he remembers a piano pretender accompanying the motion picture entertainment.Lonnie Bell, who wrote for the Black press in Austin for 50 years, indicates that in the 1920s both the Lyric and the Lawson Lincoln Theater were among the very few venues for Black entertainment in the city and so did well in the first place the Great Depression in 29. (10)Other information about Everett Givens also indicates that he make the Lyric/Dunbar into a focal point for the Black community, viewing the theater as a civic utility pr ojects as much as a business investment. Flachmeier 32) That these two movie houses were well received an supported by the Black community can also be inferred from the fact that a 1940 account of Austin history prepared by students at Tiltson College (a Black institution) referred to the era of 1905 to 1929 as a time when privately owned amusement centers were developed by Blacks steady though no other Black amusements of second were instituted during this period (Brewer 34). As I mentioned earlier, the cause for these theaters demise cannot be open up absolutely, but several factors undoubtedly offer reasonable explanations.Bells assertion that it was the economic devastation of the Depression that closed the Lincoln and Dunbar trade names logical economic sense. Black theater owners, like even the big-time operators, would have been hit hard as the US economy collapsed. Moreover, inasmuch as movie tickets are purchased with disposable income, Black patrons would have been esp ecially likely to curtail their moviegoing since even before the Depression Blacks in Austin earned only one-half the wage of White workers.More specifically, both houses in Austin would have found it even more difficult to cope with the hard times if they fireed to make the costly transition to sound technology in the late mid-twenties or early thirties. The Dallas Film Board o Trades statistics on Texas theaters indicate that many theaters, especially independently operated ones, closed in the early thirties, having no sound. (In Austin, two of the five White houses, the Crescent and Star, also went out of business in 1929 to 1931. Furthermore, one-third of Texas 30 colored theaters were listed as closed, no sound by the mid-1930s. Other factors may have led to the closure of the Lincoln and Dunbar, but, given the theaters dependence on the patron-age of a small, economically marginalized population, in the thick of a severe depression their failure is not surprising. But the hi story of Black film theaters in Austin did not end with the closing of the Dunbar in 1931.In that same year, real realm was purchased and construction begun on a new movie house that would serve as the hub of Black filmgoing in Austin for the next 40 years. The Harlem Theater, which opened on October 5, 1935 (Green 9), distinguished itself from the earlier theaters and all subsequent ones by organism located in the heart of East Austin, at 1800 E. 12 Street, where it could stop attract Black moviegoers.However, before discussing the reasons for the Harlems longevity, I point out that although it was Austins only exclusively Black theater, it was not without its opponent for Black audiences. All accounts of Austin in the 1930s and forties prevail that the Ritz Theater was the only other house that admitted Black patrons on a regular basis, though customers there were limited to balcony seating and made to use a separate entrance.The Ritz, located on the same block of East 6th s treet where the Lincoln operated, opened in 1930 under White management, masking a variety of second-run Hollywood films. Manager J. J. Hegman (and his son after him) maintained the segregated seating policy until the Ritzs closing in the early 1960s. More prominent Austin houses, such as those first-run members of the prestigious Interstate Theater Fircuit (the Paramount, Texas, State and Queen), advertised colored midnight shows from time to time as part of the chains overall marketing aim (1942 Yearbook).Thus, while there was some competition for the Black filmgoing audience, segregated, White-managed theaters did not attempt to offer African Americans the filmgoing experience and environment of an all-Black house like the Harlem however, the Ritz balcony and special events at other White movie establishments did continue to cultivate and maintain Black filmgoing in the Depression, when no Black Austin theaters were open.Harlem were filled by Black employees with the single ex ception of the projectionists. But for a small neighborhood theater like the Harlem, any sort of product differentiation whether it was with films, resist acts, or ambience would have failed to produce enough box offices for the theaters survival. As with any theater, the bulk of the profit came not from xv and twenty-five cent admissions, but from concessions. On this count, the Harlem again distinguished itself as unique among Austin theaters.In addition to the usual popcorn, candy and squishy drink sales, the Harlem Theater operated a confectionery. When the Harlem opened in the midst of Americas Depression in late 1935, the theater soon established itself as one of Austins most visible and persistent Black-owned businesses. In film industry terms, the Harlems winner was small. With only 14,000 African American residents in 1935, Austins marketplace for Black films was highly limited, and the theater never expanded nor led to a chain of others.But, finished a combination of strategic location, product differentiation, managerial conservatism, and diversification, the Harlem Theater was able to become a profitable local business in the midst of an industry whose structure tended to favor national giants. Like the Lyric before it, the Harlem was established by a middle-class, Black Austin native who had been improve at Tillotson College and operated successfully in other local business before embarking on a risky career in the amusement industry.But George F. Jones, who was already in his forties when he opened the Harlem, also had some experience in programming films for Black audiences. His older brother Evie had purchased an Edison projector in the teens and traveled to tent shows in the South and Black churches in Philadelphia showing church movies (that is, filmed passion plays) to all-Black audiences. After college, five years as a postal shop assistant, and ten years as a bookkeeper. George F.Jones himself had worked as the head of Prairie View, Texas Auditorium (a film theater) while employed as a clerk at Prairie View State College (1925-35) (Brewer 7). With his wife, Sadie, a Prairie View graduate and educator, Jones was active voice in the Austin real estate market and their co-partnership became known for accumulating invaluable real estate holdings. For the last two decades of his life Jones devoted most of his efforts to managing the Harlem, setting up residence next door to the corner theater upon his return to Austin from Prairie View.While his establishment may not have been unique for its time (there were more than three or four ascorbic acid Black theaters in the country), the Harlem was remarkable for being only one of heptad US theaters owned and operated by Blacks (The Early Days in East Austin, D42). As an experienced theater manager, real estate buyer, and member of Austins African American community. George Jones no doubt realized the importance of the theaters strategic location in determining its su ccess at attracting movegoers.East 12th Street was essentially the Main Street of East Austin (Early Days in East Austin, D42). The area around the Harlem represented a microcosm of African American life it was both a quiet neighborhood of residences, churches, grocers, drug stores beauty shops, and cafes, and a place to be going up on the cuts a street where the action and entertainment were, in the form of taverns, beer joints, and (a block away) the Cotton Club and Paradise auberge for music and dancing.The Harlem was also part of The End, that area around 12th and Chicon Streets (one block away) where Austins streetcars, until their cessation in 1940, stopped and turned back toward downtown. In essence, those factors which determined that White theaters were centrally located along Congers Avenue transportation proximity, pedestrian traffic, shopping convenience, high visibility similarly made East 12th the choice location for a successful Black movie house.